Sociology of Race and Ethnicity

Over the last several years, we have experienced a surge in bystander videos of incidents of police brutality directed largely at Black men. Public outrage surrounding police action continues to increase. As public discourse around police brutality and racial inequality largely centers on specific events, there is less information within the public discourse about systemic racism and how race and racism pervade every single aspect of American life. The ways in which Black people are often treated by law enforcement is reflective of larger historical racial inequities and injustices that extend far beyond the criminal justice system and intersect with how Black people access housing and occupy public spaces. Imprisoned focuses on contemporary systemic racism as it relates to the ways in which our criminal justice system intersects with our housing system to create a matrix of inequality. To illustrate the systemic nature of racism in American policing and communities, this book highlights the policies and practices that were put in place during slavery and after Reconstruction that connect to instances of structural racism in contemporary America. This book demonstrates how foundational policies in American history continue to work to the detriment of Black Americans-tying the racist foundations of America to discrimination in our criminal justice system and neighborhoods.

Bodies out of Place asserts that anti-Black racism is not better than it used to be, it is just performed in more-nuanced ways. Barbara Harris Combs argues that racism is dynamic, so new theories are needed to help expose it. The Bodies-out-of-Place (BOP) theory she advances in the book offers such a corrective lens. Interrogating several recent racialized events-the Central Park birding incident, the killing of Ahmaud Arbery, sleeping while Black occurrences, and others-Combs demonstrates how the underlying belief that undergirds each encounter is a false presumption that Black bodies in certain contexts are out of place. Within these examples she illustrates how, even amid professions to color-blindness, fixed attitudes about where Black bodies belong, in what positions, at what time, and with whom still predominate. Combs describes a long historical pattern of White pushback against Black advancement and illuminates how each of the various forms of pushback is aimed at social control and regulation of Black bodies. She describes overt and covert attempts to push Black bodies back into their presumed place in U.S. society. While the pushback takes many forms, each works to paint a narrative to justify, rationalize, and excuse continuing violence against Black bodies. Equally important, Combs celebrates the resilient Black agency that has resisted this subjugation.

From Jesus to J-Setting details the experiences of Black people with diverse sexual identities from ages eighteen to thirty years old. The work examines how the intersection of racial, sexual, gender, and religious identities influence self-expression and lifestyle modalities in this understudied, often hidden population, by exploring how racial, sexual, and religious dynamics play out. Voices in the book illuminate a continuum of decisions-from more traditional (i.e., Black church participation) to nontraditional (i.e., dancing known as J-Setting and spirituality)-and the corresponding beliefs, values, and experiences that emerge under the ever-present specter of racism, homophobia, heterosexism, and for many, ageism. Drawing upon sociology, sociology of religion, black studies, queer studies, inequality, stratification, and cultural studies, Sandra Lynn Barnes explores the everyday lives of young Black people with fluid sexual identities and their everyday forms of individual as well as collective resistance.

In 1954 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that state laws establishing racial segregation are unconstitutional, declaring "separate is inherently unequal." Known as a seminal Supreme Court case and civil rights victory, Brown v. Board of Education resulted from many legal battles that predicated its existence. Marisela Martinez-Cola writes about the many important cases that led to the culmination of Brown. She reveals that the road to Brown is lined with "bricks" representing at least one hundred other families who legally challenged segregated schooling in state and federal courts across the country, eleven of which involved Chinese American, Native American, and Mexican American plaintiffs. By revealing the significance of Chinese American, Native American, and Mexican American segregation cases, Martinez-Cola provides an opportunity for an increasingly diverse America to be fully invested in the complete grand narrative of the civil rights movement. To illustrate the evolution of these cases, she focuses on three court cases from California, including these stories as part of the "long civil rights movement," and thus expands our understanding of the scope of that movement along racial, gender, and class lines. Comparing and discussing the meaning of the other court cases that led to the Brown decision strengthens the standing of Brown while revealing all the twists and turns inherent in the struggle for equality.

In 2004 France banned Muslim women from wearing veils in school. In 2010 France passed legislation that banned the wearing of clothing in public that covered the face, mainly to target women who wore burqas. President Emmanuel Macron has stated that the hijab is not in accordance with French ideals. Islamophobia in France takes many forms, both explicit and implicit, and often appears to be sanctioned by the governing bodies themselves. These cultural biases reveal how the Muslim population acts as a scapegoat for the problematic status of immigrants in France more generally. Islamophobia in France is an English translation of Abdellali Hajjat and Marwan Mohammed's Islamophobie: Comment les e'lites franc¸aises fabriquent le "proble`me musulman." In this groundbreaking book, Hajjat and Mohammed argue that Islamophobia in France is not the result of individual prejudice or supposed Muslim cultural or racial deficiencies but rather arose out of structures of power and control already in place in France. Hajjat and Mohammed analyze how French elites deploy Islamophobia as a state technology for contesting and controlling the presence of specific groups of postcolonial immigrants and their descendants in contemporary France. With a new introduction for U.S. readers, the authors unpack the data on Islamophobia in France and offer a portrait of how it functions in contemporary society.

The Souls of Jewish Folk argues that late nineteenth-century Germany's struggle with its "Jewish question"-what to do with Germany's Jews-served as an important and to-date underexamined influence on W.E.B. Du Bois's considerations of America's anti-Black racism at the turn of the twentieth century. Du Bois is wellknown for his characterization of the twentieth century's greatest challenge, "the problem of the color line." This proposition gained prominence in the conception of Du Bois'sThe Souls of Black Folk (1903), which engages the questions of race, racial domination, and racial exploitation. James M. Thomas contends that this conception of racism is haunted by the specter of the German Jew. In 1892 Du Bois received a fellowship for his graduate studies at the University of Berlin from the John F. Slater Fund for the Education of Freedmen. While a student in Berlin, Du Bois studied with some of that nation's most prominent social scientists. What The Souls of Jewish Folkasks readers to take seriously, then, is how our ideas, and indeed intellectual work itself, are shaped by and embedded within the nexus of people, places, and prevailing contexts of their time. With this book,Thomas examines how the major social, political, and economic events of Du Bois's own life-including his time spent living and learning in a latenineteenth-century Germany defined in no small part by its violent anti-Semitism-constitute the soil from which his most serious ideas about race, racism, and the global color line sprang forth.

In Liberal White Supremacy, Angie Beeman argues that white supremacy is maintained not only by right-wing conservatives or stereotypically uneducated working-class racial bigots but also by progressives who operate from a liberal ideology of color-blindness, racism-evasiveness, and class elitism. This distinction provides insight on divisions among progressives at the local level, in community organizations, and at the national level, in the Democratic Party. By distinguishing between liberal and radical approaches to racism, class oppression, capitalism, and social movement tactics, Beeman shows how progressives continue to be limited by liberal ideology and perpetuate rather than dismantle white supremacy, all while claiming to be antiracist. She conceptualizes this self-serving process as "liberal white supremacy," the tendency for liberal European Americans to constantly place themselves in the superior moral position in a way that reinforces inequality. Beeman advances what she calls action-oriented and racism-centered intersectional approaches as alternatives to progressive organizational strategies that either downplay racism in favor of a class-centered approach or take a talk-centered approach to racism without developing explicit actions to challenge it.

For activists working for racial justice for decades, the year 2020 stood out from the rest. More people seemed to care about racism than ever before. Due to this unprecedented surge, was anything more accomplished than in prior efforts? Through interviews with uprising participants (a mix of first-time protesters and seasoned veterans; from both large cities and smaller towns), participant observation from three U.S. cities, and secondary data sources on U.S. and global 2020 protest actions, Eileen O'Brien documents what exactly was different about 2020 from a boots-on-the-ground vantage point. Participants in the uprising drew a sense of meaning being part of something larger than themselves and were able to grieve racist violence collectively during a lockdown. They also created beautiful protest art out of plywood made necessary by white supremacist counter-protesters' destruction of local businesses. They toppled Confederate monuments and felt that sentences like Derek Chauvin's murder conviction or the three killers of Ahmaud Arbery on federal hate crime charges were rare victories only made possible through their activism. Later, many went back to business as usual after 2020, broader societal antiracist changes proved elusive, and backlash was swift. Yet, cross-racial interest convergence occurred for a brief antiracist moment, and "the struggle itself was redemptive."