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Driving the Soviets up the Wall

Soviet-East German Relations, 1953-1961

by Hope M. Harrison

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the 2004 Marshall Shulman Book Prize, American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies" Hope M. Harrison is Director of the Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies in the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University. She is also Associate Professor of History and International Affairs at the Elliott School. She served as Director for European and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security Council from 2000 to 2001. The Berlin Wall was the symbol of the Cold War. For the first time, this path-breaking book tells the behind-the-scenes story of the communists' decision to build the Wall in 1961. Hope Harrison's use of archival sources from the former East German and Soviet regimes is unrivalled, and from these sources she builds a highly original and provocative argument: the East Germans pushed the reluctant Soviets into building the Berlin Wall. This fascinating work portrays the different approaches favored by the East Germans and the Soviets to stop the exodus of refugees to West Germany. In the wake of Stalin's death in 1953, the Soviets refused the East German request to close their border to West Berlin. The Kremlin rulers told the hard-line East German leaders to solve their refugee problem not by closing the border, but by alleviating their domestic and foreign problems. The book describes how, over the next seven years, the East German regime managed to resist Soviet pressures for liberalization and instead pressured the Soviets into allowing them to build the Berlin Wall. Driving the Soviets Up the Wall forces us to view this critical juncture in the Cold War in a different light. Harrison's work makes us rethink the nature of relations between countries of the Soviet bloc even at the height of the Cold War, while also contributing to ongoing debates over the capacity of weaker states to influence their stronger allies. "Harrison has turned over every archival rock in reconstructing the tense relationship between the Soviet Union and Walter Ulbricht's East Germany, from Stalin's death until the construction of the Berlin Wall.. . . Harrison is not alone in teaching us that third parties played a significant role in shaping the Cold War, but hers is a particularly striking example." "A smoothly written, clearly organized, and massively documented account . . . [which] deserves to be read by every serious student of post-war Europe."---W.J. Lavery, History: Reviews of New Books "This aptly entitled book makes an outstanding contribution to what has become known as 'the new Cold War history.' Lucidly written and fascinating to read, it demonstrates how, under a unique set of circumstances, a satellite state in the depths of existential crisis could manipulate a superpower."---Peter Grieder, Central European History "Harrison has written a thoughtful, fluent, and meticulously researched study of Soviet-East German relations between 1953 and 1961. Driving the Soviets Up the Wall is a fine example of the new scholarship on the cold war that has emerged since 1991 and a rewarding read for anybody interested in finding out exactly how and why the Berlin Wall came to be built."---Alan McDougall, Journal of Modern History "Hope Harrison's book is a truly distinguished example of new Cold War scholarship. As an account of Soviet-East German relations from 1953 to 1961, it is likely to be definitive. As a case study of how a small power can manipulate a super-power, it is sure to become a classic. As both multi-archival history and international relations theory, therefore, Driving the Soviets up the Wall is a remarkable accomplishment indeed."-John Lewis Gaddis, Yale University "Hope Harrison has written a lucid, penetrating, and deeply knowledgeable study on the relationship between the Kremlin and its most important satellite."-Strobe Talbott, Brookings Institution "This book is likely to become the definitive study on the Berlin Wall's construction

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After Victory

Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars

by G. John Ikenberry

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the Jervis-Shroeder Best Book Award" G. John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Political and International Affairs at Princeton University and a Global Eminence Scholar at Kyung Hee University in Seoul. His books include Liberal Leviathan (Princeton). The end of the Cold War was a "big bang" reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? In After Victory, John Ikenberry examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. He explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions-both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power-has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit "constitutional" characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, After Victory will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today. "After Victory showed how international governance can serve the interest of hegemonic powers."-New York Times "The liberal argument that democratic regimes can make a dramatic difference in world affairs has finally achieved intellectual respectability, as this fine book so convincingly maintains."-Foreign Affairs "After Victory is a majestic work that combines many familiar but seemingly unrelated themes into one elegant package of exceptional theoretical and empirical sweep. . . . It should have an enduring impact on the study and practice of international relations."-Journal of Politics "Thought-provoking . . . and an important contribution."-Political Science Quarterly "Unquestionably one of the most important books in the field."-International Affairs "An elegant, penetrating study. . . . This pathbreaking work is one of the most important . . . on international order to appear in many years."-Choice

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Secret Wars

Covert Conflict in International Politics

by Austin Carson

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the Lepgold Prize, Mortara Center for International Studies, Georgetown University" "Honorable Mention for the Best Book Award, Conflict Processes Section, American Political Science Association" Austin Carson is assistant professor of political science at the University of Chicago. Secret Wars is the first book to systematically analyze the ways powerful states covertly participate in foreign wars, showing a recurring pattern of such behavior stretching from World War I to U.S.-occupied Iraq. Investigating what governments keep secret during wars and why, Austin Carson argues that leaders maintain the secrecy of state involvement as a response to the persistent concern of limiting war. Keeping interventions "backstage" helps control escalation dynamics, insulating leaders from domestic pressures while communicating their interest in keeping a war contained. Carson shows that covert interventions can help control escalation, but they are almost always detected by other major powers. However, the shared value of limiting war can lead adversaries to keep secret the interventions they detect, as when American leaders concealed clashes with Soviet pilots during the Korean War. Escalation concerns can also cause leaders to ignore covert interventions that have become an open secret. From Nazi Germany's role in the Spanish Civil War to American covert operations during the Vietnam War, Carson presents new insights about some of the most influential conflicts of the twentieth century. Parting the curtain on the secret side of modern war, Secret Wars provides important lessons about how rival state powers collude and compete, and the ways in which they avoid outright military confrontations. "[An] intriguing analysis."---Lawrence D. Freedman, Foreign Affairs "[An] excellent new book. . . . Throughout, Carson's archival research is impressive."---Sam Winter-Levy, Lawfare "This is a very interesting and thought-provoking analysis of covert conflict in international politics." "[A]n outstanding book, one likely to produce a vibrant research program in the years to come."---Stacie Goddard, H-Diplo "Carson is to be congratulated for a scholarly study with broad appeal that presents a new perspective on international politics that overturns many commonly held assumptions. - Matthew Hughes, Journal of Interdisciplinary History " "Why do states intervene overtly in some military conflicts but covertly in others? This innovative and compelling study, one of the best available on covert intervention, argues that states intervene secretly to avoid potentially dangerous escalation. In a fascinating twist, adversaries that discover covert interventions sometimes play along, keeping them secret to avoid pressures for counterintervention. Carson brilliantly illuminates this hidden side of war."-Alexander B. Downes, George Washington University "This is the first thorough exploration of the role of secrecy in war-not to keep things from the adversary, but to control the pressures for escalation and to collude with the adversary in order to keep a war limited. With important arguments and case studies, this excellent book offers new information and interpretations of facts. It will have a major impact."-Robert Jervis, Columbia University "This book persuasively argues that both covert action in limited war, and observers' collusion in keeping those actions secret, are driven by fear of escalation and the desire to keep war limited. Secret Wars substantiates these claims well, drawing on carefully researched and strong case studies covering key participants in a series of important wars that featured covert action."-Ronald Krebs, University of Minnesota "Secret Wars brings a common but hidden form of conflict into the light. States love secrecy, but this book shows that adversaries often collude with each other to keep war in the shadows and off the escalation ladder. Carson has produced an exceptiona

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How Enemies Become Friends

The Sources of Stable Peace

by Charles A. Kupchan

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Finalist for the 2011 Estoril Global Issues Distinguished Book Prize" "Honorable Mention for the 2011 Arthur Ross Book Award, Council on Foreign Relations" Charles A. Kupchan is professor of international affairs at Georgetown University and senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. He served on the National Security Council during the Clinton presidency and is the author of The End of the American Era (Knopf). How nations move from war to peace Is the world destined to suffer endless cycles of conflict and war? Can rival nations become partners and establish a lasting and stable peace? How Enemies Become Friends provides a bold and innovative account of how nations escape geopolitical competition and replace hostility with friendship. Through compelling analysis and rich historical examples that span the globe and range from the thirteenth century through the present, foreign policy expert Charles Kupchan explores how adversaries can transform enmity into amity-and he exposes prevalent myths about the causes of peace. Kupchan contends that diplomatic engagement with rivals, far from being appeasement, is critical to rapprochement between adversaries. Diplomacy, not economic interdependence, is the currency of peace; concessions and strategic accommodation promote the mutual trust needed to build an international society. The nature of regimes matters much less than commonly thought: countries, including the United States, should deal with other states based on their foreign policy behavior rather than on whether they are democracies. Kupchan demonstrates that similar social orders and similar ethnicities, races, or religions help nations achieve stable peace. He considers many historical successes and failures, including the onset of friendship between the United States and Great Britain in the early twentieth century, the Concert of Europe, which preserved peace after 1815 but collapsed following revolutions in 1848, and the remarkably close partnership of the Soviet Union and China in the 1950s, which descended into open rivalry by the 1960s. In a world where conflict among nations seems inescapable, How Enemies Become Friends offers critical insights for building lasting peace. "Kupchan's magisterial accomplishment, drawing on an extraordinary range of theories and cases, is to provide an overarching account of when and why countries in conflict move toward stable peace. . . .This book will be read by scholars and policy thinkers for a very long time."---G. John Ikenberry, Foreign Affairs "Kupchan has a lucid style and writes with authority and wisdom. In the course of his argument, he knocks firmly on the head a number of dangerously misleading nostrums."---G. R. Berridge, Hague Journal of Diplomacy "[Kupchan] is one of those rare Americans with a genuinely global view of international relations. . . . By the time he reaches the end of his brilliant analysis, Kupchan has shown that diplomacy and wilful compromise are the real foundations of peace."---Gilles Andreani, Survival "This wide-ranging comparative historical study seeks to discover why and how some adversaries not only achieved friendship but created zones of durable peace." "How Enemies Become Friends is an ambitious book, which, through a combination of theoretical understanding and in-depth case studies, delivers a powerful argument that champions Obama's policy of engagement with Iran and China. Such an important topic demands vigorous analysis, which Kupchan is well qualified to deliver. . . . This book is entitled to serious consideration by those in the field of international relations."---Grace Nicholls, Majalla "[A] learned, lucid, fascinating account."---Robert Cornwall, Christian Century "How Enemies Become Friends is a highly important contribution to the debate in the United States on how to manage U.S. foreign and security policy in a world of considerably reduced U.S. power. Above all, Kupchan provides the historical and theore

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Knowing the Adversary

Leaders, Intelligence, and Assessment of Intentions in International Relations

by Keren Yarhi-Milo

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Co-Winner of the 2016 DPLST Book Prize, Diplomatic Studies Section of the International Studies Association" "Winner, 2014 Edgar S. Furniss Book Award, Mershon Center for International Security Studies" Keren Yarhi-Milo is assistant professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University. States are more likely to engage in risky and destabilizing actions such as military buildups and preemptive strikes if they believe their adversaries pose a tangible threat. Yet despite the crucial importance of this issue, we don't know enough about how states and their leaders draw inferences about their adversaries' long-term intentions. Knowing the Adversary draws on a wealth of historical archival evidence to shed new light on how world leaders and intelligence organizations actually make these assessments. Keren Yarhi-Milo examines three cases: Britain's assessments of Nazi Germany's intentions in the 1930s, America's assessments of the Soviet Union's intentions during the Carter administration, and the Reagan administration's assessments of Soviet intentions near the end of the Cold War. She advances a new theoretical framework-called selective attention-that emphasizes organizational dynamics, personal diplomatic interactions, and cognitive and affective factors. Yarhi-Milo finds that decision makers don't pay as much attention to those aspects of state behavior that major theories of international politics claim they do. Instead, they tend to determine the intentions of adversaries on the basis of preexisting beliefs, theories, and personal impressions. Yarhi-Milo also shows how intelligence organizations rely on very different indicators than decision makers, focusing more on changes in the military capabilities of adversaries. Knowing the Adversary provides a clearer picture of the historical validity of existing theories, and broadens our understanding of the important role that diplomacy plays in international security. "[Knowing the Adversary] enriches the debate over the best way for policymakers and analysts to filter the vast pools of information they gather about rivals." "[A] solid scholarly book….The major contribution of the book is the systematic focus on a notoriously amorphous subject--how world leaders and intelligence organizations draw inferences about their adversaries' long-term intentions." "Knowing the Adversary is a great success: it is thoroughly researched, well written, convincing in its conclusions, and rich in policy implications of the highest security importance."---Mark L. Haas, Political Science Quarterly "How do political leaders and intelligence organizations make inferences about adversary intentions? Yarhi-Milo makes a major contribution to the study of this critical question by developing a new theory of threat perception and testing it in three important historical cases. With its extraordinarily detailed historical research, extensive coverage of primary sources, compelling evidence, and balanced interpretations, Knowing the Adversary is indispensable reading for conflict theorists, intelligence analysts, and diplomatic historians."-Jack S. Levy, Rutgers University "Threat perception is a central topic for international politics, but is remarkably understudied. Yarhi-Milo's fascinating and important book is a huge step forward. Testing theories based on rational choice, organization theory, and psychology, and using original research on British perceptions of Nazi Germany and American views of the USSR, she shows that decision makers and intelligence analysts looked at different indicators and that the attention paid by both groups was highly selective."-Robert Jervis, author of Perception and Misperception in International Politics "Knowing the Adversary tackles a central question in international security and reaches nonobvious conclusions with wide implications. The quality of the empirical work is outstanding. I can think of few recent qualitative studies t

The Struggle for Power in Early Modern Europe

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The Struggle for Power in Early Modern Europe

Religious Conflict, Dynastic Empires, and International Change

by Daniel H. Nexon

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the 2010 International Security Studies Section Book Award, International Studies Association" Daniel H. Nexon is assistant professor of government and foreign service at Georgetown University. Scholars have long argued over whether the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, which ended more than a century of religious conflict arising from the Protestant Reformations, inaugurated the modern sovereign-state system. But they largely ignore a more fundamental question: why did the emergence of new forms of religious heterodoxy during the Reformations spark such violent upheaval and nearly topple the old political order? In this book, Daniel Nexon demonstrates that the answer lies in understanding how the mobilization of transnational religious movements intersects with--and can destabilize--imperial forms of rule. Taking a fresh look at the pivotal events of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries--including the Schmalkaldic War, the Dutch Revolt, and the Thirty Years' War--Nexon argues that early modern "composite" political communities had more in common with empires than with modern states, and introduces a theory of imperial dynamics that explains how religious movements altered Europe's balance of power. He shows how the Reformations gave rise to crosscutting religious networks that undermined the ability of early modern European rulers to divide and contain local resistance to their authority. In doing so, the Reformations produced a series of crises in the European order and crippled the Habsburg bid for hegemony. Nexon's account of these processes provides a theoretical and analytic framework that not only challenges the way international relations scholars think about state formation and international change, but enables us to better understand global politics today. "Scholars often debate the future of modern system of nation-states, but rarely do they study its origins. This groundbreaking book provides a sweeping reinterpretation of the religious and geopolitical conflicts of the seventeenth century, culminating in the emergence of the European state system." "As a historian of early modern France it is refreshing to venture into a scholarly domain that comfortably pursues large-scale political analysis. It is equally refreshing to find someone trained in international relations who takes religion seriously as an independent, and powerful, political dynamic. Daniel Nexon's ambitious reexamination of early modern state formations does just that. . . . [T]his is a highly satisfying and stimulating rethinking of the political significance of the Reformation."---Megan Armstrong, Renaissance Quarterly "Daniel H. Nexon analyzes this relationship between religion and violence from the perspective of modern political science. His arguments are clearly stated and thought-provoking. . . . Nexon's analysis displays a sure sense of what made early modern Europe distinctive and gives due regard to contingency as well as structural factors. More importantly, his theoretical framework offers an interesting way to integrate religious and secular factors in an analysis of international change and to explore this in comparative perspective."---Peter H. Wilson, Journal of Early Modern History "A stimulating, dense, and highly readable book."---Stephen Deets, Nationalities Papers "[C]hallenging ideas appear throughout this valuable and impressive work, which will surely spark a great deal of discussion among scholars of early modern politics and international relations."---Tryntje Helfferich, Journal of Interdisciplinary History "Such an astute account of the dynamics of continuity and change in global politics will be invaluable both to students and scholars of the theory and history of international relations. . . . Nexon's outstanding volume would be of relevance to anyone interested in understanding the European origins of the idea and practices of sovereign territorial statehood. He has also produced the kind of book

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Legitimacy and Power Politics

The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture

by Mlada Bukovansky

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

Mlada Bukovansky is Assistant Professor of Government at Smith College. This book examines the causes and consequences of a major transformation in both domestic and international politics: the shift from dynastically legitimated monarchical sovereignty to popularly legitimated national sovereignty. It analyzes the impact of Enlightenment discourse on politics in eighteenth-century Europe and the United States, showing how that discourse facilitated new authority struggles in Old Regime Europe, shaped the American and French Revolutions, and influenced the relationships between the revolutionary regimes and the international system. The interaction between traditional and democratic ideas of legitimacy transformed the international system by the early nineteenth century, when people began to take for granted the desirability of equality, individual rights, and restraint of power. Using an interpretive, historically sensitive approach to international relations, the author considers the complex interplay between elite discourses about political legitimacy and strategic power struggles within and among states. She shows how culture, power, and interests interacted to produce a crucial yet poorly understood case of international change. The book not only shows the limits of liberal and realist theories of international relations, but also demonstrates how aspects of these theories can be integrated with insights derived from a constructivist perspective that takes culture and legitimacy seriously. The author finds that cultural contests over the terms of political legitimacy constitute one of the central mechanisms by which the character of sovereignty is transformed in the international system--a conclusion as true today as it was in the eighteenth century. "Bukovansky convincingly argues that ideas matter in international politics." "Bukovansky's volume is a most interesting analysis of the topic. . . . [I]t is a valuable addition to the bookshelves of those interested in the dynamics of politics (and who isn't?)."---Lora Sigler, European Legacy "Mlada Bukovansky has written a powerful study, arguing a bold and compelling theory with clarity and confidence."-Joyce Appleby, University of California, Los Angeles "Legitimacy and Power Politics makes an important and original set of arguments that speak directly to some of the most central debates in international relations theory."-Martha Finnemore, George Washington University

The Politics of Secularism in International Relations

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Transnational Networks, States, and Regime Change, 1510-2010

by John M. Owen

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the 2011 Lepgold Prize, Mortara Center for International Studies, Georgetown University" John M. Owen IV is associate professor of politics at the University of Virginia. Some blame the violence and unrest in the Muslim world on Islam itself, arguing that the religion and its history is inherently bloody. Others blame the United States, arguing that American attempts to spread democracy by force have destabilized the region, and that these efforts are somehow radical or unique. Challenging these views, The Clash of Ideas in World Politics reveals how the Muslim world is in the throes of an ideological struggle that extends far beyond the Middle East, and how struggles like it have been a recurring feature of international relations since the dawn of the modern European state. John Owen examines more than two hundred cases of forcible regime promotion over the past five centuries, offering the first systematic study of this common state practice. He looks at conflicts between Catholicism and Protestantism between 1520 and the 1680s; republicanism and monarchy between 1770 and 1850; and communism, fascism, and liberal democracy from 1917 until the late 1980s. He shows how regime promotion can follow regime unrest in the eventual target state or a war involving a great power, and how this can provoke elites across states to polarize according to ideology. Owen traces how conflicts arise and ultimately fade as one ideology wins favor with more elites in more countries, and he demonstrates how the struggle between secularism and Islamism in Muslim countries today reflects broader transnational trends in world history. "The historical narratives Owen employs to test this theory are nuanced, illuminating, and a joy to read."---Peter Liberman, Foreign Affairs "Owen provides the most compelling explanatory framework to date for examining forcible regime promotions, supported by a convincing historical narrative that sets the bar high for future works on the subject. More importantly, Owen's book is a welcome contribution providing a timely toolbox for both academics and policy analysts to examine the ongoing events in the Middle East and beyond."---Luca Tardelli, International Affairs "Owen . . . makes use of formidable analytical skills to reveal patterns in 209 instances internationally and demonstrate the use of regime promotion as a strategic weapon. . . . Recommended."---Ellen J. Jenkins, Canadian Journal of History "[T]he depth of learning that informs the historical aim of Owen's text is proof of the validity of historical work, regardless of the fact that it does not and cannot enable us to make precise predictions."---Jeff Noonan, European Legacy "This book is a major contribution to the literature on hierarchy in international relations. It empirically demonstrates more convincingly than any other study to date that forcible regime change is a normal tool of statecraft. Owen's focus on the importance of transnational ideological polarization as the primary cause of such activity is an explanation that materialists cannot ignore."-Stephen D. Krasner, Stanford University "This book is a major contribution to the history and theory of international relations. We were already in debt to John Owen for his excellent, nuanced analysis of the notion that democracies do not fight each other. This volume is far more ambitious and proves that-as in world politics itself-ideas and historical understanding are more important than accumulations of numbers."-Stanley Hoffmann, Harvard University "John Owen has produced another important book, this one about using force to change regimes in other countries. On a topic soaked with harsh rhetoric and strong emotions, Owen offers historical perspective and serious analysis. His data is striking. It shows that forcible regime changes come in waves, clustered in certain periods, followed by long lulls. Owen helps us understand the logic of this pattern, especially the

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Social States

China in International Institutions, 1980-2000

by Alastair Iain Johnston

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

Alastair Iain Johnston is the Governor James Noe and Linda Noe Laine Professor of China in World Affairs at Harvard University. "Constructive engagement" became a catchphrase under the Clinton administration for America's reinvigorated efforts to pull China firmly into the international community as a responsible player, one that abides by widely accepted norms. Skeptics questioned the effectiveness of this policy and those that followed. But how is such socialization supposed to work in the first place? This has never been all that clear, whether practiced by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Japan, or the United States. Social States is the first book to systematically test the effects of socialization in international relations--to help explain why players on the world stage may be moved to cooperate when doing so is not in their material power interests. Alastair Iain Johnston carries out his groundbreaking theoretical task through a richly detailed look at China's participation in international security institutions during two crucial decades of the "rise of China," from 1980 to 2000. Drawing on sociology and social psychology, this book examines three microprocesses of socialization--mimicking, social influence, and persuasion--as they have played out in the attitudes of Chinese diplomats active in the Conference on Disarmament, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban, the Convention on Conventional Weapons, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. Among the key conclusions: Chinese officials in the post-Mao era adopted more cooperative and more self-constraining commitments to arms control and disarmament treaties, thanks to their increasing social interactions in international security institutions. "What is the process by which norms in the international system change the behavior of states? Johnston wants to identify the working parts of the causal mechanism. But rather than emphasizing pressure from other states or changing strategic interests to explain decisions to join security regimes, Johnston focuses on the social learning that takes place when policymakers interact with representatives of other states."---Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs "Johnston offers his arguments in a very cautious way, with meticulous care given to theory and methodology, thereby setting a standard that is rarely found in the current body of literature on the subject. . . . Johnston has certainly published an excellent book, that shows how cutting-edge research can be conducted by exploring in great depth an inter-disciplinary area to help shed new light on Chinese foreign policy. The book's narrow focus on security institutions makes it well-defined; we may hope that Johnston will find it worthwhile to go beyond this in future work."---Gerald Chan, The China Journal "This book is most significant for theoretical, empirical, and political reasons. Theoretically, it explores in detail micromechanisms of socialization, moving way beyond the traditional rationalist-constructivist divide. Empirically, the book demonstrates that even China changes through socialization in international institutions. The political conclusions are obvious: Keep socializing China rather than balancing!"-Thomas Risse, Freie Universität Berlin "This eagerly awaited book offers the most compelling analysis for China's 'peaceful rise' that I know of. Iain Johnston displays a complete mastery of international relations theory, a profound knowledge of Chinese foreign policy and East Asian regionalism, and impressive control over modern social science methods. For many years to come this will be the landmark study of one of the most important developments in contemporary world politics."-Peter J. Katzenstein, Cornell University "Iain Johnston's Social States is a must-read for all students of international relations theory, international institutions, and international security. With his characteristic hardheaded and systematically minded approach to

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Politics and Strategy

Partisan Ambition and American Statecraft

by Peter Trubowitz

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"One of Choice's Outstanding Academic Titles for 2011: Top 25 Books" Peter Trubowitz is professor of government at the University of Texas, Austin. He is the author of Defining the National Interest. Why do some national leaders pursue ambitious grand strategies and adventuresome foreign policies while others do not? When do leaders boldly confront foreign threats and when are they less assertive? Politics and Strategy shows that grand strategies are Janus-faced: their formulation has as much to do with a leader's ability to govern at home as it does with maintaining the nation's security abroad. Drawing on the American political experience, Peter Trubowitz reveals how variations in domestic party politics and international power have led presidents from George Washington to Barack Obama to pursue strategies that differ widely in international ambition and cost. He considers why some presidents overreach in foreign affairs while others fail to do enough. Trubowitz pushes the understanding of grand strategy beyond traditional approaches that stress only international forces or domestic interests. He provides insights into how past leaders responded to cross-pressures between geopolitics and party politics, and how similar issues continue to bedevil American statecraft today. He suggests that the trade-offs shaping American leaders' foreign policy choices are not unique--analogous trade-offs confront Chinese and Russian leaders as well. Combining innovative theory and historical analysis, Politics and Strategy answers classic questions of statecraft and offers new ideas for thinking about grand strategies and the leaders who make them. "Trubowitz has written an impressive book with a modest thesis. He makes the case that both the distribution of power around the world and domestic politics influence strategic decisions in U.S. foreign policy. . . . Trubowitz captures the complexity of these decisions with theoretical sophistication, an unusual breadth of historical examples, and an impressive clarity of argument. This is an important book." "Scholars of American politics and international relations alike will find a strong theoretical foundation along with extensive empirical material in this work for exploring such topics."---Meena Bose, Political Science Quarterly "Politics and Strategy is the best book on U.S. grand strategy to emerge in years. Trubowitz provides a simple and elegant model that accounts for U.S. strategic choices over centuries. Going beyond the tired isolationist-internationalist dichotomy, this book establishes a far more interesting and complex pattern of variation of U.S. grand strategies, exposing unexpected commonalities between the strategic aims of such unlikely bedfellows as Washington and Franklin Roosevelt, McKinley and G. W. Bush, or Hoover and Clinton. This is a signal contribution to scholarship with major implications for policy debates."-William Wohlforth, Dartmouth College "Politics and Strategy is vintage Trubowitz. Large in intellectual ambition and empirical scope, elegantly sparse in theoretical formulation, and compelling in the evidence it presents, this book offers a deeply illuminating causal narrative of American foreign policy. The book's grasp of international relations theory is lucid, its in-depth engagement of American domestic politics is exemplary, and its practical policy implications are important. This book shines a brilliantly clear light on a subject too often shrouded in the depressing fog dispensed by pundits and blogs."-Peter Katzenstein, Cornell University "Trubowitz places grand strategy at the critical intersection of political economy and security, where it belongs. His book is both a major addition to the positive theory of grand strategy and a novel reinterpretation of the history of American foreign policy."-Miles Kahler, University of California, San Diego "Politics and Strategy is a great book. It offers a big-think synthesis of the two le

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Aftershocks

Great Powers and Domestic Reforms in the Twentieth Century

by Seva Gunitsky

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"One of Foreign Affairs Best of Books 2017 – Political and Legal / Globalization" Seva Gunitsky is assistant professor of political science at the University of Toronto. Over the past century, democracy spread around the world in turbulent bursts of change, sweeping across national borders in dramatic cascades of revolution and reform. Aftershocks offers a new global-oriented explanation for this wavelike spread and retreat-not only of democracy but also of its twentieth-century rivals, fascism and communism. Seva Gunitsky argues that waves of regime change are driven by the aftermath of cataclysmic disruptions to the international system. These hegemonic shocks, marked by the sudden rise and fall of great powers, have been essential and often-neglected drivers of domestic transformations. Though rare and fleeting, they not only repeatedly alter the global hierarchy of powerful states but also create unique and powerful opportunities for sweeping national reforms-by triggering military impositions, swiftly changing the incentives of domestic actors, or transforming the basis of political legitimacy itself. As a result, the evolution of modern regimes cannot be fully understood without examining the consequences of clashes between great powers, which repeatedly-and often unsuccessfully-sought to cajole, inspire, and intimidate other states into joining their camps. "Highly recommended. . . . The conclusion is especially strong and provocative, speculating that though democracy has advantages that prevent crises from becoming so severe they threaten stability, autocratic capitalism may be a viable alternative if democracy fails to provide security and prosperity for its people." "In this landmark study, Gunitsky . . . illuminates the deep connections between global shfits in power and waves of domestic regime change. . . . No book has made a stronger case that the fate of democracy is tied to the rise and fall of great powers and the leadership of liberal hegemonic states." "An important, well-argued and well-written contribution to the literature on the international dimension of change in political regimes across different countries."---Nicholas Bouchet, International Affairs "Aftershocks is a tour de force, traveling across the twentieth century, simultaneously providing a parsimonious theoretical map of the entire century's experience with democratic breakthroughs and breakdowns, while also remaining immersed in rich historical detail. . . . Gunitsky has given us a powerful lens to understand not only the past but the present as well."---Daniel Ziblatt, Perspectives on Politics "Ambitious and lucid, Aftershocks offers an alternative way to view twentieth-century global history, and is a book that belongs in the company of works by Gilpin and Ikenberry. In our own time of global power shifts, Gunitsky's fundamental claim-that hegemonic transitions explain the spread and contraction of democracy across entire regions-is vitally important and impossible to ignore."-John M. Owen IV, University of Virginia "By delving into how international dynamics shape the spread of democracy and autocracy over time, Gunitsky presents a much-needed theoretical and empirical synthesis for anyone interested in international relations and domestic politics. As the world faces changing global powers and declining support for democracy, Gunitsky's book is essential reading with significant practical implications."-Susan D. Hyde, University of California, Berkeley "Aftershocks examines the role of international factors in shaping the rise and fall of regime types. Contending that a regime cannot be understood in purely domestic terms, Gunitsky explores the nature of global influences and how they work. This book has a big historical sweep and is filled with well-chosen examples."-Peter Gourevitch, University of California, San Diego "Aftershocks makes a strong and creative theoretical argument while providing a wide variety

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Strong Borders, Secure Nation

Cooperation and Conflict in China's Territorial Disputes

by M. Taylor Fravel

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

M. Taylor Fravel is associate professor of political science and member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. As China emerges as an international economic and military power, the world waits to see how the nation will assert itself globally. Yet, as M. Taylor Fravel shows in Strong Borders, Secure Nation, concerns that China might be prone to violent conflict over territory are overstated. The first comprehensive study of China's territorial disputes, Strong Borders, Secure Nation contends that China over the past sixty years has been more likely to compromise in these conflicts with its Asian neighbors and less likely to use force than many scholars or analysts might expect. By developing theories of cooperation and escalation in territorial disputes, Fravel explains China's willingness to either compromise or use force. When faced with internal threats to regime security, especially ethnic rebellion, China has been willing to offer concessions in exchange for assistance that strengthens the state's control over its territory and people. By contrast, China has used force to halt or reverse decline in its bargaining power in disputes with its militarily most powerful neighbors or in disputes where it has controlled none of the land being contested. Drawing on a rich array of previously unexamined Chinese language sources, Strong Borders, Secure Nation offers a compelling account of China's foreign policy on one of the most volatile issues in international relations. "Fravel's is an elegant argument that works well to explain Chinese behavior and holds promise for application elsewhere."---Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs "This comprehensive, compelling volume by Fravel seeks to address the overstated concerns that China might be prone to violent conflict over territory."---S.K. Ma, Choice "M. Taylor Fravel . . . provides compelling evidence that in its territorial disputes China has been less prone to violence and more cooperative than realist theory or conventional wisdom about an expansionist state might suggest."---David Rosenberg, China Journal "This is a tour de force work of scholarship that is comprehensive, empirically rich and analytically strong. . . . For anyone who works on contemporary China, this book will be an indispensible reference volume."---Andrew Scobell, Pacific Affairs "The book is not only a necessary work for everyone dealing with Chinese politics, but also it deserves to become a new standard for the study of international politics in general."---Bart Dessein, International History Review "[T]his book is an unqualified welcome addition to the still comparatively sparse academic literature on China's territorial disputes and security perceptions."---Chien-Peng Chung, Contemporary Southeast Asia "Fravel offers an important interpretation of China's behaviour, based on what it has actually done in the last six decades. . . . The book will help many trying to decide whether China will be a disruptive or a positive international force in the years to come."---Kerry Brown, Asian Affairs "This book makes a refreshing change, both for its theoretical and empirical rigour and in its balanced coverage."---Jonathan Sullivan, Political Studies Review "How China handles the issue of Taiwan is going to offer a significantly novel framework for international studies over territorial sovereignty disputes. Fravel has provided a plethora of historical details and sophisticated explanations for these diplomatic events, and has produced a highly readable book."---Yuk Wah Chan, Journal of Chinese Political Science "Professor M. Taylor Fravel . . . has made a valuable contribution to Princeton Studies in International History and Politics. . . . His impeccable research helps in correcting false notions, for instance, on China's boundary agreement with Pakistan on March 2, 1963."---A. G. Noorani, Frontline "This excellent book is the first to systematically examine China's

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Producing Security

Multinational Corporations, Globalization, and the Changing Calculus of Conflict

by Stephen G. Brooks

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

Stephen G. Brooks is Assistant Professor of Government at Dartmouth College. He received his Ph.D. from Yale University, where his dissertation received the American Political Science Association's Helen Dwight Reid Award. Scholars and statesmen have debated the influence of international commerce on war and peace for thousands of years. Over the centuries, analysts have generally treated the questions "Does international commerce influence security?" and "Do trade flows influence security?" as synonymous. In Producing Security, Stephen Brooks maintains that such an overarching focus on the security implications of trade once made sense but no longer does. Trade is no longer the primary means of organizing international economic transactions; rather, where and how multinational corporations (MNCs) organize their international production activities is now the key integrating force of global commerce. MNC strategies have changed in a variety of fundamental ways over the past three decades, Brooks argues, resulting in an increased geographic dispersion of production across borders. The author shows that the globalization of production has led to a series of shifts in the global security environment. It has a differential effect on security relations, in part because it does not encompass all countries and industries to the same extent. The book's findings indicate that the geographic dispersion of MNC production acts as a significant force for peace among the great powers. The author concludes that there is no basis for optimism that the globalization of production will promote peace elsewhere in the world. Indeed, he finds that it has a net negative influence on security relations among developing countries. "An original and important work that all researchers concerned with the security implications of economic trends will want to read. Brooks's careful craftsmanship is evident from start to finish. Importantly, he forces our attention away from simple trade flows to the underlying forces of transnational production that will continue to have central consequences for global security in our age."---Brian M. Pollins, Perspectives on Politics "[A] path-breaking book. . . . [T]his is an innovative, sound, systematic, and insightful volume for all those who are interested in the implications of economic globalization for interstate war and peace."---Quan Li, Ethics and International Affairs "Producing Security is an important and timely work, and makes a compelling argument for the importance and economic consequences of the globalization of production . . . . [It] merits real praise for attempting to bridge the often all-too-wide gap between international political economy and security studies."---Tanisha M. Fazal, Political Science Quarterly "A much welcomed addition to the security literature; indeed one of the more innovative in recent memory."---Darryl S.L. Jarvis, Australian Journal of Public Affairs "Overall, this is a sensible and thoughtful contribution to the international relations literature. Brooks is to be congratulated for being willing to engage with the realities of the contemporary global economy, and to put forth bold theories about their security implications."---Geoffrey Jones, International History Review "This is not only one of the three best books in international political economy in the last ten years, it is one of the most important recent books in the entire field of international relations. Brooks integrates security studies and international political economy with skill and wisdom. Focusing sharply on the globalization of production, the author explores its implications for national security, international politics, and international economic relations. In addition, he links the discussion to various theories of international relations."-David Baldwin, Princeton University "Stephen Brooks has quickly emerged as an original and persuasive voice among international security experts. One

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Revolutions in Sovereignty

How Ideas Shaped Modern International Relations

by Daniel Philpott

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

Daniel Philpott is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Santa Barbara. He has published on such topics as self-determination, sovereignty, and ethics and international relations. How did the world come to be organized into sovereign states? Daniel Philpott argues that two historical revolutions in ideas are responsible. First, the Protestant Reformation ended medieval Christendom and brought a system of sovereign states in Europe, culminating at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Second, ideas of equality and colonial nationalism brought a sweeping end to colonial empires around 1960, spreading the sovereign states system to the rest of the globe. In both cases, revolutions in ideas about legitimate political authority profoundly altered the "constitution" that establishes basic authority in the international system. Ideas exercised influence first by shaping popular identities, then by exercising social power upon the elites who could bring about new international constitutions. Swaths of early modern Europeans, for instance, arrived at Protestant beliefs, then fought against the temporal powers of the Church on behalf of the sovereignty of secular princes, who could overthrow the formidable remains of a unified medieval Christendom. In the second revolution, colonial nationalists, domestic opponents of empire, and rival superpowers pressured European cabinets to relinquish their colonies in the name of equality and nationalism, resulting in a global system of sovereign states. Bringing new theoretical and historical depth to the study of international relations, Philpott demonstrates that while shifts in military, economic, and other forms of material power cannot be overlooked, only ideas can explain how the world came to be organized into a system of sovereign states. "This convincing portrait show how power and ideas together shape international relations."---John Ikenberry, Foreign Affairs "Revolutions and Sovereignty is a cogently argued and superbly written book in which Daniel Philpott sets forth an original and provocative thesis. Challenging Realist and materialist interpretations of international relations, he makes an impressive case for the central role of ideas, particularly religious ideas, in shaping the nature of revolutions in the international state system beginning with the impact of Protestantism on the Westphalian settlement of 1648. This is a book which undoubtedly will stimulate much debate and which demands and deserves thoughtful attention at a time when that state system is in the midst of yet another revolutionary transformation."-Samuel Huntington, Harvard University "Dan Philpott is a rising star in international relations, and this book demonstrates why. It is rich in historic detail, conceptually rigorous, bold, and written with felicity. The reader puts down Revolutions in Sovereignty with a keener sense of why ideas matter to the world of international politics, an arena often construed as a field of force in which ideas play an inconsequent role."-Jean Bethke Elshtain, University of Chicago, author of Women and War "Revolutions in Sovereignty tells us how ideas have shaped the basic structure of international relations in the modern era. Before sovereign statehood became real, it became an ideal in the minds of the leaders and their followers who then made states sovereign. In explaining how this happened, Daniel Philpott brings original and insightful scholarship to bear on large and important issues."-Michael Doyle, Princeton University, author of Ways of War and Peace

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America's Mission

The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy

by Tony Smith

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

Tony Smith is the Cornelia M. Jackson Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. His recent work includes The Crisis of American Foreign Policy: Wilsonianism in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton). America's Mission argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. Tony Smith documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. "America's Mission is a book with a mission. It's aim . . . is nothing less than to overthrow the hitherto dominant theory dealing with American foreign affairs and to put in its place a different one."---Theodore Draper, New York Review of Books "America's Mission provides a comprehensive historical review of the record of American liberal internationalism. Tony Smith argues persuasively that liberal internationalism is not a cultural quirk of unsophisticated Americans. Rather, it has built on powerful global historical trends. The liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has, in turn, been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests."---Francis Fukuyama, New Republic "[Smith's] account of the 20th century is just about as close to unputdownable as it gets in the genre of political history, and ends up advocating what seems to be an appropriate level of optimism for what remains, after all, a terrifying and chaotic world." "This work, formidable in scope and scholarship, is a rousing defense of liberal Wilsonian internationalism. . . . [Smith's] historical account [of attempts to implant democracy] is accompanied by a sophisticated analysis of the perspectives on democratization of Marxists, comparativists, and realists, who hold respectively, says the author, that the United States will not, cannot, and should not promote democracy worldwide."---David C. Hendrickson, Foreign Affairs "Smith elegantly ties explanation of the past to prescription for the future. No other contemporary political scientist . . . has connected those two dimensions to this subject so well."---Mark P. Lagon, Perspectives on Political Science "This contentious study of US foreign policy is sure to generate new debates about the ideals and realities that inspire and legitimize US foreign policy." "A historically sweeping, theoretically ambitious study of American attempts at promoting liberal democracy abroad, this is the most subtle and thorough examination of a "mission" that has had more than its share of successes, halts, detours, and deviations. No student of America in this world will be able to ignore it: there is simply no comparable volume."-Stanley Hoffmann, Chairman, Center for European Studies, Dillon Professor of the Civilization of France "No one concerned with America's role in the world can afford to ignore the powerful argument and impressive scholarship of this landmark study."-Ronald Steel, University of Southern California, School of International Relations "Breathtaking in its coverage. . . . The author combines historical narrative with political analysis in dazzling fashion, particularly on Woodrow Wilson, whose pragmatic idealism is the leitmotif of this book."-Arthur S. Link, Princeton University

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Nuclear Logics

Contrasting Paths in East Asia and the Middle East

by Etel Solingen

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the 2008 Woodrow Wilson Foundation Award, American Political Science Association" "Etel Solingen - Winner of the 2018 William and Katherine Estes Award, National Academy of Sciences" "Co-Winner of the 2008 Robert Jervis and Paul Schroeder Award for the Best Book on International History and Politics, International History and Politics Section of the American Political Science Association" Etel Solingen is Distinguished Professor and Thomas T. and Elizabeth C. Tierney Chair in Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of California, Irvine, and the recipient of the National Academy of Sciences 2018 William and Katherine Estes Award. Nuclear Logics examines why some states seek nuclear weapons while others renounce them. Looking closely at nine cases in East Asia and the Middle East, Etel Solingen finds two distinct regional patterns. In East Asia, the norm since the late 1960s has been to forswear nuclear weapons, and North Korea, which makes no secret of its nuclear ambitions, is the anomaly. In the Middle East the opposite is the case, with Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Libya suspected of pursuing nuclear-weapons capabilities, with Egypt as the anomaly in recent decades. Identifying the domestic conditions underlying these divergent paths, Solingen argues that there are clear differences between states whose leaders advocate integration in the global economy and those that reject it. Among the former are countries like South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan, whose leaders have had stronger incentives to avoid the political, economic, and other costs of acquiring nuclear weapons. The latter, as in most cases in the Middle East, have had stronger incentives to exploit nuclear weapons as tools in nationalist platforms geared to helping their leaders survive in power. Solingen complements her bold argument with other logics explaining nuclear behavior, including security dilemmas, international norms and institutions, and the role of democracy and authoritarianism. Her account charts the most important frontier in understanding nuclear proliferation: grasping the relationship between internal and external political survival. Nuclear Logics is a pioneering book that is certain to provide an invaluable resource for researchers, teachers, and practitioners while reframing the policy debate surrounding nonproliferation. "Nuclear Logics is a ground-breaking work demonstrating how theory-oriented studies in political science should be conducted. Nuclear Logics is an admirable undertaking which makes an indispensable contribution to IR theory development."---Shih-Yu Chou, Political Studies Review "The most comprehensive, theoretical, and systematic challenge [to system-level imperatives] in years. . . . This is an impressive work . . . of primary value to experts and graduate students." "Solingen's argument is cogent and well researched . . . convincing and intuitive . . . demolishes the structural realist account. . . . It deserves a wide readership." "A serious, scholarly piece of work . . . reinvigorating the already rich theoretical debate on this issue. . . . Her methodological tools could prove useful in determining which Middle Eastern countries are more likely to go nuclear in reaction to Iran's programme." "Proliferation theory steps outside the ivory tower in Etel Solingen's recent book, Nuclear Logics." "The cutting edge of nonproliferation research . . . should be of great interest to both policy practitioners and scholars. [This book] display(s) a combination of theoretical sophistication, methodological rigor, focused comparative analysis involving original field research, and attention to hypothesis testing rarely found in the nonproliferation literature." "Nuclear Logics is a timely study with important theoretical and practical implications. At the theoretical level, it encourages us to set aside monocausal explanations in favour of a more sophisticated but still transportable approach. At the practical level, the

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by David G. Herrmann

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

"Winner of the 1996 Paul Birdsall Prize, American Historical Association" David G. Herrmann is Assistant Professor of History at Tulane University. David Herrmann's work is the most complete study to date of how land-based military power influenced international affairs during the series of diplomatic crises that led up to the First World War. Instead of emphasizing the naval arms race, which has been extensively studied before, Herrmann draws on documentary research in military and state archives in Germany, France, Austria, England, and Italy to show the previously unexplored effects of changes in the strength of the European armies during this period. Herrmann's work provides not only a contribution to debates about the causes of the war but also an account of how the European armies adopted the new weaponry of the twentieth century in the decade before 1914, including quick-firing artillery, machine guns, motor transport, and aircraft. In a narrative account that runs from the beginning of a series of international crises in 1904 until the outbreak of the war, Herrmann points to changes in the balance of military power to explain why the war began in 1914, instead of at some other time. Russia was incapable of waging a European war in the aftermath of its defeat at the hands of Japan in 1904-5, but in 1912, when Russia appeared to be regaining its capacity to fight, an unprecedented land-armaments race began. Consequently, when the July crisis of 1914 developed, the atmosphere of military competition made war a far more likely outcome than it would have been a decade earlier. "Herrmann argues that the dynamic element which upset the European balance was the change in statesmen's perceptions of the military strengths and weaknesses of their neighbors between 1904 and 1914....A good book [that] draws on evidence from French, German, Austrian, Italian, and British archives."---David French, The Times Literary Supplement "A valuable and long-overdue book. . . . It offers a far more nuanced and sophisticated understanding of military organizations as they faced the calamity of the First World War. A first-rate piece of work."---Eliot A. Cohen, Foreign Affairs

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The Korean War

An International History

by William Stueck

Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series

William Stueck is Professor of History at the University of Georgia. Among his works is The Road to Confrontation: American Policy toward China and Korea, 1947-1950. This first truly international history of the Korean War argues that by its timing, its course, and its outcome it functioned as a substitute for World War III. Stueck draws on recently available materials from seven countries, plus the archives of the United Nations, presenting a detailed narrative of the diplomacy of the conflict and a broad assessment of its critical role in the Cold War. He emphasizes the contribution of the United Nations, which at several key points in the conflict provided an important institutional framework within which less powerful nations were able to restrain the aggressive tendencies of the United States. In Stueck's view, contributors to the U.N. cause in Korea provided support not out of any abstract commitment to a universal system of collective security but because they saw an opportunity to influence U.S. policy. Chinese intervention in Korea in the fall of 1950 brought with it the threat of world war, but at that time and in other instances prior to the armistice in July 1953, America's NATO allies and Third World neutrals succeeded in curbing American adventurism. While conceding the tragic and brutal nature of the war, Stueck suggests that it helped to prevent the occurrence of an even more destructive conflict in Europe. "Stueck has canvassed research libraries in North America, England, and Australia to give us what must stand as the most complete and intelligent international history of the war yet written."---Lloyd Gardner, Reviews in American History "Any serious student of the Korean War will want to read this book for its measured perspectives and concern to contextualize its subject."---Jeffrey Grey, Journal of Military History "Stueck has written an impressive, large-scale synthesis of the entire conflict.... [He] excels at describing the intricate diplomatic maneuverings that took place throughout the war, and that were aimed at avoiding a major clash between the great powers."---David Rees, The National Interest "International history does not come much better than this. . . . William Stueck has scoured archives on four continents to produce the most comprehensive, authoritative, and judicious single-volume treatment of the politics and diplomacy of the first major armed clash of the Cold War. . . . The book is a tour de force."---H.W. Brands, Pacific Historical Review "A comprehensive and illuminating analysis and review of the Korean War-the war that in many ways defined the future of international relations, and in particular the American role in those relations."-The Honorable Paul H. Nitze, Former Arms Control Negotiator

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